BAKU, Azerbaijan, July 12. The use of media as
a tool in the game of geopolitical chess has long been a feather in
the cap of great powers, and Russia—much like its Soviet
forerunner—has transformed this into a craft shrouded in mystery.
From sneaking around for the inside scoop to spinning tales like a
spider in its web, Moscow’s state-backed media operations walk a
fine line between the world of journalism and the shadowy realm of
espionage.
The Soviet concept of the “journalist-spy” has not only survived
the collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics but also
evolved into a hybrid warfare tactic that leverages both
traditional media and digital platforms. Structures like
Sputnik, launched under the umbrella of the Rossiya
Segodnya media group, present themselves as news organizations
while actively promoting Kremlin-aligned narratives, manipulating
public opinion abroad, and facilitating information gathering.
Intelligence activities in the Soviet Union were not confined to
the traditional notion of espionage. For the KGB and its foreign
intelligence branch, keeping a tight rein on the information space
was the name of the game. These agencies often sent their
operatives out into the wild, masquerading as journalists, to
foreign lands as part of a larger game of influence.
A plethora of KGB documents from the 1970s and 1980s show that
although many Soviet journalists were on the payroll of media
outlets, they were in cahoots with the KGB behind the scenes. In
addition to reporting, they gathered intelligence, cultivated
influence networks, and established contacts in targeted countries.
In some cases, the number of Soviet journalists stationed abroad
even surpassed official embassy staff.
After the curtain fell on the USSR, the practice of slipping
intelligence officers into the press took a backseat for a spell.
However, it later re-emerged in a more modern form—this time under
the banner of “open media platforms.”
One such outlet is Sputnik, established by the Rossiya Segodnya
media group. The platform’s core functions include disseminating
narratives aligned with Kremlin interests, crafting an “alternative
truth” in Western and post-Soviet societies, shaping public opinion
during election periods, and, crucially, gathering intelligence for
Russian special services while cultivating local networks.
A good chunk of Sputnik’s leadership and staff are either tied
to former intelligence agencies or hail from media outfits that are
thick as thieves with the Kremlin. For instance, Vitaly Denisov,
who previously headed Sputnik Azerbaijan and earlier led Sputnik
Moldova and other regional bureaus, is widely believed to have ties
to the GRU (Main Intelligence Directorate). He was deported from
both Moldova and Azerbaijan due to involvement in activities deemed
harmful to national information security.
In today’s global landscape, Russia employs a “hybrid approach”
to its information policy—blending traditional military tactics
with cyber operations, disinformation campaigns, social media
manipulation, and covert intelligence activities carried out by
individuals posing as journalists and experts. These methods can
really stir the pot, even if it’s tough to nail them down in a
court of law.
In Azerbaijan, the recent detention of Sputnik
Azerbaijan’s head Igor Kartavykh and chief editor Yevgeny
Belousov has been linked to suspicions of espionage masked as
journalism. Unlike the past era of hidden cameras and microfilm,
today’s tactics are more subtle—weaponizing headlines,
commentaries, and targeted content manipulation.
The European Union was one of the first to see the writing on
the wall regarding this threat. In 2022, right on the heels of the
Russia-Ukraine war kicking off, Sputnik and RT found themselves
shown the door across Europe. Authorities pointed the finger at
their part not just in fanning the flames of disinformation but
also as key players in the game of hybrid information warfare.
Following suit, Canada, the United Kingdom, Ukraine, Australia,
and several Latin American countries imposed similar bans. The
primary justification was clear: Sputnik and RT are not flying solo
in the world of journalism; rather, they are two peas in a pod with
the state’s information intelligence apparatus.
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